Thackerey Feud Brings Firecrackers Before Diwali

The citizens of Maharashtra are witnessing a dazzling show of firecrackers full weeks ahead of Diwali. The show, which can beat a laser show in any case, is taking during Kalyan Dombivali Municipal Corporation election where two branches of Thackerey family are letting no stone unturned in their verbal assault.

Balasaheb Thackerey, original doyen of Marathi politics, hit out at his now famous nephew, whom he himself has mentored over last four decades, set the ball rolling. The senior Thackerey, unambiguously referred as Tiger in Maharashtra, lashed out at Raj Thackerey, who is son of Balasaheb's younger brother Shrikant. Apparently, the senior tiger is unhappy that the cub he fostered over the years severed his ties and chose to led his own party. Not only did Raj took his own paths, he chose own destinations and ways to tread it.

Unfortunately enough, the ways of tiger and his foster cub crossed creating obvious conflict. The cub tiger did not want to serve one who, in former's eyes, is incapable of doing justice to the agenda of the party. Matters became worse for senior one when the cub inherited all mannerisms, roaring and all, from his mentor. Tiger's own son skipped those lessons during adolescence and claimed his place when the fostered cub was about to take to throne.

When people of Maharashtra took liking to roaring of Raj during two subsequent elections in state last year, it was but only an inference that Shiv Sena and Maharashtra Navnirman Sena will have to slug it out to became the alternative party to Congress and National Congress Party. The signs were visible much earlier but the reading on the wall became legible only after 13 candidates entered the legislative assembly of Maharashtra in October last year. This was the background when Bal Thackerey hit out at Raj saying that 'he copies me. The mannerisms and copying are not the only things. There must be thought, philosophy.'

Miffed by his uncle's attack, Raj did what he refrained from doing for last four years, when he finally parted ways with his previous party. Known for his incisive tongue, Raj had restrained from putting Balasaheb at the gunpoint. 'He is deity to me and my fight is not with him, but with the middlemen around him,' he had insisted saying this for all these years. But after the sharp criticism from his uncle at Dussehara rally in Mumbai, he could not hold himself more. He opened fire at the man who, as Raj himself proclaimed even during the volcano-type eruption, was and is most venerable for him.

'Why is he repeating the same things over and over again? It is a plain fact that I was suffocating in the party. I did not have any rights. Some people assumed authority because of which I left Shiv Sena,' he pleaded in his characteristic style in front of two lakh people who gathered to listen him. In the history of municipal elections in Maharashtra, any public rally with that much size is called huge. Two lakhs people coming to a meeting for municipal election was never heard before. Added to that, the cheering and clapping from the people must have raised the spirits of MNS candidates.

When Raj put aside his oath and targeted Balasaheb Thackerey, it was but given that the diatribe would be aptly replied. And it was so. Raj's cousin and Balasaheb's own son, Uddhav, came out in open to verbally assault the MNS leader referring to Mahabharata. It was after all Uddhav, who is blamed by Raj as well as Narayan Rane, for meddling in Shiv Sena and deliberately reducing the two to their size. Both Raj and Rane attribute their desertion from Shiv Sena to Uddhav's high handedness, keeping their regard for Balasaheb intact. This gives enough reasons to Uddhav, more known for his skills in photography, to have personal grudge against the former two.

Uddhav, even though lacking in the as hardihood as Raj, targeted him saying all the obvious things. He tried to create an emotional flutter in his audience, which is forte of Shiv Sena over last five decades, saying he would not tolerate anything said against his father. Here, one was tempted to point to an episode in Maharashtra polity when the government contemplated arresting Bal Thackerey about two years ago. In his unmistakable style, Raj''s jumped the bandwagon and threatened to 'raise a hellstorm' if anyone touched Shiv Sena chief. Uddhav, through the party's mouthpiece, Saamana, had hit out at him and had said Shiv Sena is capable of defending its chief.

The same leader is now resorting to same statements. These firecrackers are adding element to otherwise a minuscule and dull election for the election of Kalyan Dombivali Municipal Corporation.

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Who Will Head Congress Now?

With the recent expose of Maharashtra State Congress chief Manikrao Thakre taking money from ministers and Chief Minister himself, the issue of appointing a new state congress president has taken curious turn. The issue was deliberated by Congress president Sonia Gandhi at a meeting with senior party leaders yesterday.

Maharashtra Congress has already authorised her to nominate the new PCC chief. Manikrao Thakre, who is eyeing a re-election to the post or a ministerial birth, was seen discussing collection of funds from Congress Ministers in Maharashtra for Sonia's rally in Sewagram yesterday. 'CM Ashok Chavan has no willingness to part with money,' was caught saying on camera after a press conference.

The controversy has deteriorated his chances of re-election and automatically makes him out of contest for ministerial berth. The Opposition has attacked the Congress over the issue and demanded a judicial probe into the alleged fund collection by Maharashtra Congress leaders.

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Bad Voyage For ST Buses

The hike in fares of State Transport buses has come as a real shocker in Maharashtra. The ST buses, marked by their red colour, are considered as common man’s vehicle for inter-city transport. The ST corporation, which manages the passenger transport in state, has introduced new fares from this month. Obviously, the public which was already reeling under the weight of inflation, has to bear additional burden, detrimental to the economy of the state. In all possibility, it might encourage illegal and worse, dangerous clandestine transport by private vehicles. It is a known fact that ST buses reach out to the most far away villages and hamlets in state, which are hitherto never approached by any other public transport utility.

The fares have been hiked by four per cent especially at a bad time. This is festival season in Maharashtra. The Ganesh festival has just concluded but Navratri, Dasara and Diwali are in the queue. The demand for oil, vegetables, cooking gas and other commodities touch a new high in this time. This is second fare hike of buses within six months. With this, the Maharashtra State Transport Corporation has become costliest public transport utility in India.

It might be interesting to see why ST buses have to undergo the hike in fares each time there is a hike in fuel prices, alienating its loyal passengers. The biggest detriment for the buses proves to be toll collection at booths, which is in place for a decade now. The government vehicles, including that of legislators, parliamentarians etc., are exempted from the toll charges. The same concession is not given to ST buses who have to shell out about Rs 200 Crores as toll charges on all roads in the Maharashtra. Then, the corporation pays Rs 700 per year to state government in the form of passenger tax.

About 40 per cent of ST corporation’s revenue is spent on paying salaries and conveyances of its staff. Another major portion is spent on purchase of fuels. Since the government of India has deregularised petroleum prices, the fluctuation in prices have become a routine affair. Another bane prove to be large number of concessions offered to passengers. The accredited journalists get 100 per cent rebate while senior citizens get 50 per cent off on ticket prices. Students are given likewise passes for monthly travel. Since majority of passengers, who are supposed to pay regular prices, prefer private buses, trains or own vehicles, the revenues have seen downward trend. Even when the revenue went up thanks to the hiked prices, profit margin of the corporation has never reached satisfactory level in the last two decades.

In this situation, it is really sad that the ST corporation choses to increase the burden on passengers instead of thinking of novel ways to pile up its revenues.

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A Division To Unite India

The decision by the Allahabad High Court to divide the disputed site at Ayodhya into three parts is rightly contested on the legal ground by experts. The legal pundits have pointed out the brazen attempt by the court to arrive at a consensus through dividing the land, trying in the process not to offend anybody even remotely associated with the issue.

Since 1986, when then union government under Rajiv Gandhi allowed pooja to be performed in the disputed structure at Ayodhya, the issue has taken so many turns, many a times with disastrous consequences, that the court tried to do what the political mandarins in New Delhi should have done long ago. It is highly possible that what the three justice bench delivered was, in fact, a magical concoction exquisitely made by the political parties in the countries. The nature of verdict and a not so hidden ploy to doling out something to all involved parties gives away enough hints of how the rival political parties put their formula to their audiences through the mouth of High Court, which has not yet eroded its credibility compared to other pillars of governance in country.

If that is so, let us think who could have played big role in shaping the formula and to what length. Whenever the word Babri mosque is uttered, the party which develops coldest feet is Congress. After all, it was during its regime that the lock to the disputed structure was opened. It was Congress ruling the country when the structure was razed to ground by the thousands of karsevaks in 1992 with exceptional exhibitionism. The plank handed out unknowingly by Congress was held by Bharatiya Janata Party nicely and the party built a career out of it. Hence, it was hardly surprising that Congress would held the wrath of Lord Rama as chief reason why it was sent to eight years of vavaas (living in jungles away from comforts) when BJP ruled the country.

Therefore, it was only obvious that Congress was extra careful not to give a slight impression that the verdict went against a community. Its nationwide presence made it hard to alienate Hindus; and it could ill-afford to anger Muslims, who helped it regain power decades after decade and showed what their displeasure meant for the party during 1993-2004 when Congress was left in shambles. The assembly elections in Bihar and next year's elections in Uttar Pradesh put it in a compromising position.

When Congress had a windfall of seats after last year's parliamentary elections in UP, Rahul Gandhi was touted as the heir apparent. Had the result alienated any of the community and it would wreck the party's possibility of regaining lost fortune there, Rahul's leadership would have been in jeopardy. Party's fight in UP, from where majority of parliamentarians come, is with Bahujan Samaj Party and not with BJP. Hence, it was easily possible for Congress to tacitly join hands with BJP for a compromise. Within hours after the judgment, chief minister of UP Mayawati came out before media and tactfully tried to put union government in a tight corner, indicating the larger fights in UP. Today, Mulayam Singh Yadav, leader of Samajawadi Party is also crying against the order because of the same equations.

On the government front, Congress is facing harsh problems like Kashmir, Telangana, the Commonwealth Games fiasco and many more. To add an inflaming issue like this would have made the tasks infinitely difficult for the party and government to handle.

Meanwhile, BJP had also many points to score here. After fall of Babri Mosque on Dec. 6, 1992, the party was brandished as a militant party. Six years of governance that it enjoyed did little to improve its image in polity. On the contrary, the riots in 2002 in Gujarat further damaged its reputation. Even though the legal battle for Ram Janmabhoomi was fought by many parties at many levels, it was BJP under Lal Krishna Advani which brought the issue to centre of national debates. The court's judgment allowed the party not only to portray itself as a law abiding and constitution loving party, but also gives elbow room to reach out to Muslims.

BJP's attempts in the past to salvage its image, like Jinnah episode, had immense repercussions. These attempts even alienated the 35 years old party from its patron organization Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. For the BJP, accepting the court's verdict was a chance to raise its image into national politics, and it did not miss that. The statements by BJP leaders and RSS chief and Congress leaders sounded same for ears. That was hardly a coincidence.

For the Muslims, the verdict had little consequence. The mosque in the past belonged to Shia sect. The case was being fought by Sunni Wakf Board. That itself lent less credibility to the party. After the court order, it retained 1/3 of the land, which was enough for it. Also, it has option to go to Supreme Court and stretch the issue for years. Had the court favoured its arguments and gave the land to it, still it was not in a position to build new mosque there. 

Though the court has divided the land at Ayodhya and it is sort of a political settlement, the nation has and must welcome it. The court has appreciated the reality and it is time we must do so.

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