The decision by the Allahabad High Court to divide the disputed site at Ayodhya into three parts is rightly contested on the legal ground by experts. The legal pundits have pointed out the brazen attempt by the court to arrive at a consensus through dividing the land, trying in the process not to offend anybody even remotely associated with the issue.
Since 1986, when then union government under Rajiv Gandhi allowed pooja to be performed in the disputed structure at Ayodhya, the issue has taken so many turns, many a times with disastrous consequences, that the court tried to do what the political mandarins in New Delhi should have done long ago. It is highly possible that what the three justice bench delivered was, in fact, a magical concoction exquisitely made by the political parties in the countries. The nature of verdict and a not so hidden ploy to doling out something to all involved parties gives away enough hints of how the rival political parties put their formula to their audiences through the mouth of High Court, which has not yet eroded its credibility compared to other pillars of governance in country.
If that is so, let us think who could have played big role in shaping the formula and to what length. Whenever the word Babri mosque is uttered, the party which develops coldest feet is Congress. After all, it was during its regime that the lock to the disputed structure was opened. It was Congress ruling the country when the structure was razed to ground by the thousands of karsevaks in 1992 with exceptional exhibitionism. The plank handed out unknowingly by Congress was held by Bharatiya Janata Party nicely and the party built a career out of it. Hence, it was hardly surprising that Congress would held the wrath of Lord Rama as chief reason why it was sent to eight years of vavaas (living in jungles away from comforts) when BJP ruled the country.
Therefore, it was only obvious that Congress was extra careful not to give a slight impression that the verdict went against a community. Its nationwide presence made it hard to alienate Hindus; and it could ill-afford to anger Muslims, who helped it regain power decades after decade and showed what their displeasure meant for the party during 1993-2004 when Congress was left in shambles. The assembly elections in Bihar and next year's elections in Uttar Pradesh put it in a compromising position.
When Congress had a windfall of seats after last year's parliamentary elections in UP, Rahul Gandhi was touted as the heir apparent. Had the result alienated any of the community and it would wreck the party's possibility of regaining lost fortune there, Rahul's leadership would have been in jeopardy. Party's fight in UP, from where majority of parliamentarians come, is with Bahujan Samaj Party and not with BJP. Hence, it was easily possible for Congress to tacitly join hands with BJP for a compromise. Within hours after the judgment, chief minister of UP Mayawati came out before media and tactfully tried to put union government in a tight corner, indicating the larger fights in UP. Today, Mulayam Singh Yadav, leader of Samajawadi Party is also crying against the order because of the same equations.
On the government front, Congress is facing harsh problems like Kashmir, Telangana, the Commonwealth Games fiasco and many more. To add an inflaming issue like this would have made the tasks infinitely difficult for the party and government to handle.
Meanwhile, BJP had also many points to score here. After fall of Babri Mosque on Dec. 6, 1992, the party was brandished as a militant party. Six years of governance that it enjoyed did little to improve its image in polity. On the contrary, the riots in 2002 in Gujarat further damaged its reputation. Even though the legal battle for Ram Janmabhoomi was fought by many parties at many levels, it was BJP under Lal Krishna Advani which brought the issue to centre of national debates. The court's judgment allowed the party not only to portray itself as a law abiding and constitution loving party, but also gives elbow room to reach out to Muslims.
BJP's attempts in the past to salvage its image, like Jinnah episode, had immense repercussions. These attempts even alienated the 35 years old party from its patron organization Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. For the BJP, accepting the court's verdict was a chance to raise its image into national politics, and it did not miss that. The statements by BJP leaders and RSS chief and Congress leaders sounded same for ears. That was hardly a coincidence.
For the Muslims, the verdict had little consequence. The mosque in the past belonged to Shia sect. The case was being fought by Sunni Wakf Board. That itself lent less credibility to the party. After the court order, it retained 1/3 of the land, which was enough for it. Also, it has option to go to Supreme Court and stretch the issue for years. Had the court favoured its arguments and gave the land to it, still it was not in a position to build new mosque there.
Though the court has divided the land at Ayodhya and it is sort of a political settlement, the nation has and must welcome it. The court has appreciated the reality and it is time we must do so.
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